By Raymond Lotta
From the preface:
" The scathing feedback and slanders opposed to the 4 are thinly veiledattacks on Mao Tsetung and Mao Tsetung notion. in reality, this wasnot a "gang of four," it used to be a "gang of 5" simply because those revolutionaries have been heavily allied with Mao and he had put his self assurance inthem. And, truly, it wasn't a "gang" at all-it used to be the center of therevolutionary headquarters in the chinese language Communist Party.Today exhortations for order, hard work self-discipline and every thing foreconomic improvement have changed Mao's simple line of continuous therevolution and his name to "grasp revolution, advertise production." TheCultural Revolution has, certainly, come to an finish as inscribed via thenew rulers of China within the Political record added through Hua Kuo-fengat the llth occasion Congress in 1977-but no longer for the explanations they wouldhave us think. It has ended as the competition which Mao wasfighting to his final breath has pop out on most sensible, having seized keep watch over of the celebration, military and country organs.How may perhaps whatever like this ensue? Is it easily the results of the machinations and targets of some leaders? "
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Additional info for And Mao Makes 5: Mao Tsetung’s Last Great Battle
The foreign trade ministry, ,for instance, was fairly well controlled by them and they were able to introduce new trade policies. ) On the other hand, they could build up their political strength and squeeze out the Left. Teng was brought onto the Political Bureau in January of 1974. The Left, by contrast, was building a political movement among the broad masses. But by the summer of 1974 the Right was able to regain the upper hand and the Criticize Lin Piao and Confucius Campaign was snarled.
What was being called for by the Right was the return to pre-eminence of bourgeois intellectuals, the so-called first-rate authorities, whose lives were being "wasted" because they had to go out and share their knowledge with others, link their work with the concrete needs of socialism in China under the leadership of the Party-putting applied research in first place-and learn from the mass movements of the workers and peasants. Hua's Report was a paean to professionalism and expertise, to reinforcing the separation of intellectuals from the masses.
Before liberation she was much the same as capitalism. Even now she practices an eight-grade wage system, distribution to each according to his work and exchange by means of money, which are scarcely different from those in the old society. ', ,,Our country at present practices a commodity system, and the wage system is unequal too, as in the eight-grade wage system, etc. These can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Thus, if people like Lin Piao come to power, it will be quite easy for them to rig up the capitalist system.